Holy Roman Empire

"Trouble comes uninvited."

Similar occurrences often happen in international politics and diplomacy, where political necessity often decides "the truth."

For instance, now, under economic influence, the London Government had to support the Berlin Government, but their strength alone wasn’t enough; they had to rope in the French.

Against this backdrop, the "black hand" could only be "Austria." From the perspective of interest, it just so happened that the Vienna Government also had a motive, which made it even harder to clear their name.

But it didn’t matter if they could clear their name or not; on the issue of the Prusso-Russian War, the Anglo-Austrian two countries had already taken opposite stands, and being in too much debt didn’t weigh them down.

Franz was indifferent, but Alexander II had a headache. Once the British made their move, most of their diplomatic efforts went down the drain.

There was no helping it; diplomacy really wasn’t their forte, as the Tsarist Government’s international reputation made it obvious how amateurish their diplomacy was.

Having achieved their current results was only because their opponents were also diplomatic novices. Both sides pecked at each other like newbies, barely on equal footing.

It’s not to say that Prussia and Russia lacked excellent diplomats. When it came to the individual abilities of the rank-and-file diplomats, even if there were differences, on the whole, the gap wouldn’t be too big. The root of the problem lay in decision-making.

In international diplomacy, exceptional diplomats are certainly important, but even more crucial are the decision-makers above them; they’re the ones who truly have the power to decide a nation’s foreign policy.

Unfortunately, not one of those making the decisions for Prussia and Russia excelled at diplomacy; no matter how hard the officials below them worked, it was futile.

The original time-space German Second Empire serves as the best example; under Bismarck’s leadership, diplomacy reached its pinnacle, but once he was replaced, it all fell apart.

After the Battle of Smolensk, the world generally favored the Russians; the Tsarist Government took the opportunity to reinforce its diplomatic offensive against the Nordic Federation.

It’s difficult to provide aid in desperate times, yet easy to add frosting to the cake. Many within the Nordic Federation were tempted, especially the Danish people, who were eager to avenge the Prussia-Denmark War.

Strategically, if the Nordic Federation stabbed the Prusso Federation in the back now, this war would be over. Regardless of Maoqi’s shocking strategies, they would be useless.

Unfortunately, the Tsarist Government’s actions were too sluggish, whether due to interests or some other reason, negotiations had yet to bear fruit.

With the British stepping in, the Nordic Federation Government, originally poised to add frosting to the cake, wavered again. Joining forces became a fantasy, and the Russians missed their best opportunity to win the war.

Yet that wasn’t even what caused Alexander II the most headache. More troublesome was the rise of optimism within the country after the victory in the "Battle of Smolensk."

Many who couldn’t accomplish anything and wasted everything turned into military experts overnight, instructing the frontlines with their unsolicited advice.

"Driving straight into Warsaw" or "Surprise attack on Berlin"... all sorts of bizarre tactics emerged, all sounding quite good and seemingly capable of winning the war easily.

Armchair strategists weren’t the issue; you could just ignore them, like listening to stories, when it came to actual work. However, if armchair strategists had social influence, it was a completely different story.

The Russian armchair strategist had just that sort of social clout, and some even held significant power within the government. As these fellows started their "bantering," even Alexander II felt the headache, not to mention the pressure on the frontline commanders.

...

In St. Petersburg during July, there was neither the severe cold of winter nor the scorching heat of summer. With a temperature around fifteen degrees Celsius, it was the most pleasant season.

During this best of times, the thrilling "Victory of Smolensk" arrived, and the entire St. Petersburg was permeated with the joy of success.

As the leading contributor to the victory of this battle, Marshal Ivanov returned from the frontlines silently to attend the military conference.

Facing the compliments from his colleagues, Ivanov simply smiled and let it pass. No one knew better than he how much fluff was involved in the Battle of Smolensk.

The main force of the Prussian Army was still in existence, and it was too early to talk about "victory" now. If it weren’t for a political necessity, Marshal Ivanov wouldn’t mind disclosing the truth, revealing the malicious intentions of the enemy.

In politics, there are no ifs, and the Tsarist Government needed a victory. The "Great Triumph at Smolensk" came just at the right time, and what was fake had to be turned into something real.

Relatively speaking, this wasn’t really cheating. At most, it was just a bit of artistic embellishment. Those pair of captives were the embodiment of military achievements.

Of course, as a true soldier, Ivanov didn’t think there was anything worth boasting about. He even suspected that the enemy couldn’t afford so much cannon fodder and had intentionally given them to increase his logistical pressure.

...

Winter Palace

Alexander II smilingly said, "Marshal, tell me about the situation at the front!"

There wasn’t just one marshal in the Russian Empire, but Ivanov was the only one who appeared here and was treated with such importance by Alexander II.

The greatest confidence of a soldier always lies in military achievements. No matter how inflated they might be, a win is a win. As the victor, Ivanov had the capital to be respected.

Perhaps Ivanov’s military command ability wasn’t the best, but he possessed advantages that others did not. Namely, the battles under his command never ended in defeat.

When looking through his resume, one would find that he was a player of steady output. His favorite approach was to be steady and conservative, opposing any form of military risk.

Besides, he had always been lucky, consistently encountering weaker opponents.

In the first Prusso-Russian war, he first commanded troops against the Poles, then was sent to defend Istanbul against the Ottomans.

With such weak enemies and such a conservative commander, it would have been difficult for the Russian Army to lose even if they wanted to.

With the Russian Army facing a widespread defeat, the victorious Ivanov naturally stood out.

Then he ran right into the Second Near East War, where the Tsarist Government and Austria teamed up to beat the Ottomans. There was no question—it was like gifting him military achievements.

When the second Prusso-Russian war broke out, Alexander II, seeking stability, promptly employed this "good-luck" marshal with "illustrious military achievements."

Reality proved that this appointment was incredibly wise. Although the Russian Army hadn’t gained much during the past ten months of war, they hadn’t suffered any significant setbacks either.

In this pure war of attrition that had been waged, suddenly everyone realized that the Russian Army was gradually gaining the strategic initiative.

The only downside was the somewhat high casualty rate; however, in the face of victory, these were minor issues. Compared to the first Prusso-Russian war, the current ratio of exchange in battle that the Russian Army had established was significantly better looking.

Ivanov picked up a pointer and, while speaking, pointed on the map, "After the Battle of Smolensk, the main force of the Prussian Army withdrew all the way back, as if ready to give up the Polish Region.

However, this was just the surface situation. The Battle of Smolensk did not severely damage the main force of the Prussian Army—they still had the strength to fight and didn’t need to retreat so quickly, let alone give up Warsaw, the eastern gateway.

I have studied the enemy’s reassignment directions, spreading out to both flanks. As long as we enter the Warsaw region, they can immediately pounce on us.

Of course, it’s not that we fear a decisive battle with the enemy, but there’s no need for a decisive battle in the Warsaw region. Even if we were to fight one, it should be in a location of our choosing."

Clearly, Ivanov had a political mind and resolutely refrained from mentioning things that he should not.

Everyone present was smart. Even if Ivanov didn’t say it, everyone knew the Poles did not welcome the little father of the Tsar, and the Warsaw region was the most active area for anti-Russian sentiment. There was absolutely no public support for a decisive battle there.

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However, smart people can also make foolish decisions because it is not their brains that determine their thinking, but rather their position of power.

Finance Minister Kristanval questioned, "Marshal, deciding on a decisive battle with the enemy in the Warsaw region may not be the best choice, but it is the most suitable one for us.

Since the outbreak of the war, we have already spent nearly 1.87 billion Rubles, and we are spending close to two billion Rubles every month.

This means that our annual fiscal revenue is not even enough for three months’ worth of war expenses.

The longer the war lasts, the more we have to pay in huge military expenses, so ending this war as soon as possible is the best choice."

As the saying goes, ’when cannons fire, gold is ten thousand taels,’ the Tsarist Government deployed millions of troops, and the daily cost of the military is an astronomical figure.

Self-funding is impossible, Russia’s finances have never been affluent. To wage this war, the Tsarist Government already incurred a huge amount of foreign debt.

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If this war continues, it won’t be long before the government’s finances are drained again. Then the Ministry of Finance will have to figure out a solution, and Kristanval is smart enough to understand that it is now too difficult for the Tsarist Government to raise money.

If we are not defeated on the battlefield, but rather because of financial reasons, the Ministry of Finance will definitely have to take the blame. As the Finance Minister, he is the first in line and may well be dragged to the guillotine to appease public anger.

Moreover, borrowed money must be repaid. This loan was secured by mortgaging the land; if the coffers are too clean to fulfill the debt obligations, lands will have to be ceded for debt.

If that happens, the Ministry of Finance is once again the one to take the blame, and as Finance Minister Kristanval cannot help but be anxious.

For him, this war is like a "sword of Damocles" hanging over his head, ready to fall at any moment and claim his life.

It’s not just the Ministry of Finance that’s eager to end the war, many interest groups within the Tsarist Government also want to end the war soon.

The war is causing too much economic damage, with many industries unable to operate normally, which is undoubtedly cutting off everyone’s financial lifeline.

Ivanov shook his head, "Your Excellency, you’re oversimplifying things. The challenges of making a decisive battle in the Warsaw region are not slight.

If we pursue a rapid resolution through strategic risk-taking, then we fall into the enemy’s trickery.

If something unexpected happens leading to heavy losses for our army, who will take responsibility?"

Explaining is impossible; under the pretext of political correctness, many things can’t be spoken aloud. Marshal Ivanov could only choose to stand firm.

Finance Minister Kristanval sneered, "The matters of the battlefield, aren’t they the responsibility of the military? Or maybe they want us in the Finance Ministry to take charge? Or perhaps we should simply take command!"

There are many who want a quick resolution, including Alexander II. Nobody speaks it openly, mainly for fear that pressuring the military to rush into a decisive battle might lead to war failure. No one wants to bear that responsibility.

Kristanval has no choice, the Tsarist Government’s finances are too terrible, and the war expenses are too great.

The Ministry of Finance can sustain the war expenses for at most one more year, but can the war end within a year?

If he hadn’t experienced the last Prusso-Russian war, Kristanval might say yes. After firsthand experience, he could no longer be optimistic.

As a military layman, Kristanval doesn’t see the importance of changing the location for a decisive battle; at worst, there would just be greater casualties. After all, the expendables are not valuable; they can afford the loss.

Marshal Ivanov scoffed, "That is an excellent proposal, since Marquis Kristanval is so confident, then it’s better that I yield my place to the wise!"

At this point, Ivanov is very clear that he cannot concede. To retreat is not to gain a broad expanse of sea and sky but to fall into an abyss.

```

Direct confrontation was not the best option, as it would offend many people. However, compared with the risk of a premature battle, he felt that offending people was the safer choice.

The era was one of war, belonging to the most powerful military era; no one could touch him, the Marshal with illustrious military achievements.

Seeing the argument escalating, Alexander II waved his hand, "All right, let’s end this issue here. Marshal, please proceed with your operational plans!"

Without a doubt, this brief incident ended with the firm stand of Marshal Ivanov prevailing.

Faced with the risk of financial crisis and military defeat, Alexander II chose to face the financial crisis. The risk of military failure was simply too great for him to bear.

As long as the war was won, the financial crisis could always be resolved. If all else failed, they could simply default on debts again. Once habitual, it becomes easier.

The only trouble was the mortgaged territories, but these were minor issues. In the worst case, they could recoup their losses from the enemy, as the Vienna Government was not opposed to territorial exchanges.

"Yes, Your Majesty!" Ivanov replied solemnly, "The enemy has laid traps in the Warsaw region, waiting for us to jump in.

"For safety’s sake, we have decided to first seize the Lithuanian Region and then encircle the enemy troops in the Baltic region from behind, thus removing the military threat to St. Petersburg."

Many were satisfied with this response and nodded in agreement. The Prussian Army had reached Estonia, not far from St. Petersburg.

This kept the officials restless, fearing that the enemy would arrive at the city gates any day. If not for Alexander II’s insistence, the Tsarist Government would have moved the capital to Moscow long ago.

No one opposed giving priority to removing the threat to St. Petersburg. Even Alexander II agreed; no one would complain about being too secure.

Pausing for a moment, Marshal Ivanov continued, "After reclaiming the Lithuanian Region, the situation on the battlefield will change.

"Considering the logistical strain, the headquarters plans to launch a full-scale offensive on the southern front, deploying troops along the Prussia-Austria Border for convenience in obtaining supplies from Austria.

"We only need to proceed cautiously and steadily push forward, relying on our numerical superiority to crush the enemy."

The strategy was one of stability. According to Ivanov’s military deployment, it was unlikely that the Russian Army would achieve a world-shocking victory, nor would there be any earth-shattering defeats.

Of course, the aftermath was severe, and the price to be paid was harsh. In defeating the enemy, the Russian Empire would also be greatly weakened.

Alexander II asked with concern, "Is there a way to reduce our losses? If we continue to fight like this, even if we win, the losses will be severe."

After reflecting for a moment, Ivanov, pointing on the map in the direction of the Nordic Federation, said, "The simplest method is to involve the Nordic Federation in the war.

"We have already tied up the enemy’s main forces. If they were to launch a surprise attack on Berlin, the war could end within a month.

"Of course, getting Austria and the German Federation involved would have the same effect. The enemy’s rear is very vulnerable; a mere fifty thousand troops could take Berlin."

This was an awkward answer, as the Tsarist Government’s plan to win over the Nordic Federation had failed due to John Bull’s sabotage.

As for Austria and the German Federation, it was unthinkable. It was an impossibility, even if they were offered great benefits, it would be to no avail.

Not to mention international relations, nationalists would be the first to refuse.

Austria, seeking to unify the Germany Region, could not do without the support of nationalists; the Vienna Government would not act against public opinion.

The German Federation was even more unfortunate; with a plethora of Sub-States internally, if the Central Government dared to act recklessly, they could declare independence in minutes.